Last week, the call by vice-chancellors
for the Federal Government to establish a Ministry of Higher Education
got me thinking. I found it rather disappointing; I didn’t expect a
clamour like that from people I thought should know better.
Why would anyone be thinking, in 2013,
of creating more ministries? Don’t we already have enough un-necessary
ministries? Is the lingering strike by the Academic Staff Union of
Universities taking place because we failed to create a Ministry of
Higher Education? If we even create such a ministry eventually, what’s
to stop us from going a step further and clamour for the creation of a
Ministry of Kindergarten and Elementary Education? Is Nigeria’s problem
one of inadequacy of government bureaucracy?
Continue reading after the cut....
And then, I cast my mind back to recent history.
When, in 2009, the late President Umaru
Yar’Adua publicly lamented the non-invitation of Nigeria to the G20
summit in England, I satirised his administration’s penchant for
creating Presidential Panels and Committees.
I suggested setting up a presidential
probe panel “to investigate the immediate and remote causes of Nigeria’s
non-invitation to the G20 Summit. Members will be drawn from all the 36
states of the Federation. There will be representatives of market
women, Nigerian Diplomats-in-the-Diaspora, Association of Retired
Ambassadors, law enforcement agencies, civil society organisations. The
200-member committee, after a colourful inauguration at Aso Rock, will
immediately embark on a nationwide tour to gather memoranda from
“stakeholders” and members of the public. After the home-based sittings,
the committee will proceed to London (Europe), Beijing (Asia), New York
City (North America), Rio de Janeiro (South America), Sydney
(Australia) to give Nigerians in the Diaspora the chance to be a part of
the report-making process, as well as use the opportunity to table
Nigeria’s grievances before the governments of the 20 countries that
make up the G20.”
That was the age of Presidential
panels/committees on everything from the Halliburton scam to the global
economic crisis to electoral reforms. Then, there was a Vision 20:2020
Committee that had hundreds of members (28 Technical Working Groups,
each with between 19 and 27 members).
While many of these panels and
committees might indeed have been necessary, to carry out ad hoc
functions without distracting/burdening the existing bureaucracy, we all
know the truth: That nothing useful was/is ever done with their
reports. They exist merely to fulfill all righteousness, to create a
sense of action. The reports are all fated to vanish with the wind.
Which is why we’re still searching for the Okigbo Panel report two
decades on, and still asking ourselves whatever happened to the Oputa
Panel report more than a decade later.
If it was ad hoc panels and committees
alone, that’d be fine. But we’ve long since gone on to adopt the habit
of creating permanent government agencies that for the most part do
nothing. Or, at best, exist to duplicate what an already existing body
is doing.
One reason why I like visiting Abuja is
for the possibility to discover yet another interestingly-named
government agency. You’re driving around admiring the city, and suddenly
you happen upon a building, tucked away in some side-street, announcing
itself as (to give one example), the “Border Communities Development
Agency.” Interesting.
There’s a Nigerian Integrated Water
Resources Commission, and then there’s a Nigeria Hydrological Services
Agency. There’s a Federal Environmental Protection Agency, and then
there’s a National Environmental Standard and Regulation Enforcement
Agency. There are agencies overseeing everything from the Prohibition of
Trafficking in Persons, to Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency.
There’s a National Office for Technology Acquisition and Promotion,
alongside a National Agency For Science and Engineering Infrastructure.
Even sugar has got a National Development Council all to itself.
Seems to me that the self-styled evil
genius himself, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, started this craze. No Nigerian
Head of State appears to have created as many organisations as him.
Everything that could be bundled up into an acronym or spun into a brand
new agency was bundled or spun with alacrity. From DFRRI to MAMSER to
Peoples Bank to Community Bank to FUMTA to NERFUND – Babangida created
them all, in what is arguably the most ambitious blitz of social
engineering in the history of Nigeria.
On the surface, it seemed like an
ambitious “development” programme, but in my opinion, it was really
more a Jobs-for-the-Boys strategy, in line with the prevailing
Settlement mentality of that period.
And that’s where the problem lies. We
cannot afford to run government primarily on the basis of a settlement
mentality; a Something for the Boys and Girls strategy.
Look at the Niger Delta. We’ve got the
Niger Delta Development Commission, and on top of that the Ministry of
the Niger Delta Affairs. Yet, no development of any sort has occurred in
the region these past years since their formation. You don’t even need
to be a professional government critic to observe that there’s something
not quite right with that set-up.
The biggest irony is that the
duplication bug has now overwhelmed even the desire to put an end to the
manifestation of duplication.
The Presidential committee (yes, another
Presidential committee) that President Goodluck Jonathan set up in 2011
on the “Restructuring and Rationalisation of Government Parastatals,
Commissions and Agencies”, headed by a former Head of Service, Stephen
Oronsaye, is at least the third attempt to do the same thing, in the
last 15 years.
Before, it was the Allison Ayida Civil
Service Reform Panel set up in the late nineties, and then the Ahmed
Joda Panel White Paper on the Review, Harmonisation and Rationalisation
of Federal Government Parastatals which followed a few years later.
So, even the committee that should put
an end to needless duplication and “anyhowness” in the bureaucracy is
itself now suffering from duplication.
That Oronsaye committee reportedly found
out that Nigeria has 541 Federal commissions, agencies, parastatals; a
good number of which are duplications.
For example, there’s the case of the
Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Independent Corrupt
Practices Commission. You wonder why the functions of both agencies
cannot be handled by a single body.
The committee reportedly argues that
both commissions are actually duplications of the functions that ought
to be carried out by the Nigeria Police. Which is true, technically
speaking. But we all realise that within the Nigerian context, it more
than makes sense to seek to bypass the Police Force – which regularly
takes first prize in the “Government Institution Most Perceived To Be
Corrupt” contests – in trying to tackle corruption. It makes absolute
sense to seek to create a stand-alone body, to increase the chances of
escaping the overpowering shadow of police dysfunction. (We all recall
the role the Police played in hounding Nuhu Ribadu out of office).
Indeed one pattern that emerges is this:
Some of these agencies were created in good faith – to bypass
dysfunctional statutory establishments. Faced with a choice between
waiting for a reformed police force to fight corruption, and creating a
bypass solution, what would wisdom compel you to choose? So, I would be
the first to acknowledge that sometimes we need these “bypasses”.
But in most other cases, the
proliferation is not informed by any noble or reform-minded ideals. So,
year in year out, we spend most of our funds maintaining government
offices, buying official cars, paying salaries to bloated boards and
uncountable “DGs” and “MD/CEOs” and retinues of special assistants and
special assistants to special assistants.
And while I agree that patronage might
very well be an inescapable fact in politics and governance, I think the
truth is that as Nigerians we’re overdoing it. Just as we like to
overdo everything else.
In 2011, Mallam Nasir el-Rufai presented
a paper at the Guild of Editors Conference in Benin, titled,
“Perspectives on the cost of governance in a democracy”.
In it, he noted that, “It costs nearly
N2.5m on the average annually for the upkeep of each of the Federal
Government’s nearly one million public sector workers – in the police,
civil service, military and para-military services and teachers in
government schools and institutions.”
It is public knowledge that more than
two-thirds of Nigeria’s Federal budget go into sustaining an inefficient
bureaucracy. This is in a country that desperately needs funds for
infrastructure development and maintenance.
El-Rufai also pointed out that taking
into account government’s spending on the National Assembly, each of our
legislators costs us about N320m per annum. And each federal judge
costs about N73m per annum. (So, the next time you hear of another
mindless judgment from one of our federal courts, keep in mind how much
it cost to make that happen).
As far back as 2000, The Economist
magazine had reflected on the penchant of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic
legislators for doing everything but the job for which they were elected
– while receiving a fortune in remuneration.
The article, titled, “Self-service for
Nigerian senators”, in the August 10, 2000 edition, started as follows:
“Nigeria’s splendid new white and green National Assembly hums, but not
with lawmaking. Since they were elected in February 1999, Nigeria’s 109
senators and 360 representatives have passed just five pieces of
legislation sent to them by President Olusegun Obasanjo. And one of
these was a budget that was held up for five months by their attempts to
inflate the money allocated to parliament.”
That’s what is most annoying; the fact
that we’re not getting much value for all of the public spending on
committees and panels and commissions and agencies and legislators and
judges and sundry bureaucratic elements. That most of it is spending
done just to keep the “Boys” and “Girls” happy; to oil the
non-productive, value-deducting wheels of our dearly beloved
dysfunction.
As an anonymous source told The Economist in 2000, regarding the National Assembly, “they did not come here to legislate. They came here for contracts.”
As it was then, so it seems, today. And will likely be in the years ahead, unless we do something drastic today.
-Tolu Ogunlesi (to4ogunlesi@yahoo.com) @toluogunlesi
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